1. Abstract
The Disidentification (National) (DISN) Scale is a specialized, five-item psychometric instrument developed by social psychologists Maykel Verkuyten and A. A. Yildiz (2007) to measure the degree to which an individual actively, psychologically, and behaviorally repudiates a host or superordinate national identity. Unlike traditional measures that operationalize national affiliation along a single bipolar continuum ranging from low to high national identification, the DISN scale captures national disidentification as a distinct, unipolar psychological construct characterized by active rejection, psychological distancing, intentional linguistic disengagement, and explicit public disavowal of national group membership. The scale was initially validated among Turkish-Dutch Muslim minority populations in the Netherlands and has since gained widespread empirical application across cross-cultural psychology, sociology, political science, and consumer behavior—most notably in modeling domestic product avoidance, political disenfranchisement, and reactive identity formation.
The scale consists of five declarative items administered via a 5-point Likert-type response format ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree), though 7-point adaptations are frequently utilized in macro-marketing and consumer research. Psychometrically, the instrument operates as a strictly unidimensional structure. Confirmatory factor analyses across diverse demographic and ethnoreligious samples consistently confirm robust factor loadings (ranging between .65 and .85), high internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha coefficients consistently reported between .80 and .89), and pronounced discriminant validity against related constructs such as low national identification, ethnic identity affirmation, perceived ethnic discrimination, and generalized out-group hostility. By isolating the proactive desire to reject belongingness and decouple the self from the collective civic category, the DISN scale provides researchers with a theoretically refined tool for investigating identity threat, intergroup conflict, acculturation dynamics, and consumer resistance.
2. Keywords
National disidentification, DISN scale, social identity theory, Maykel Verkuyten, ethnic minority identity, active distancing, Turkish-Dutch Muslims, psychological repudiation, consumer animosity, domestic product avoidance, reactive identification, acculturation
3. Authors
The Disidentification (National) (DISN) scale was conceptualized, operationalized, and psychometrically validated by:
- Maykel Verkuyten, Ph.D. — Academic Director of the European Research Centre on Migration and Ethnic Relations (ERCOMER) and Professor in the Department of Interdisciplinary Social Science at Utrecht University, Utrecht, Netherlands. Dr. Verkuyten is an internationally recognized authority on ethnic identity, intergroup relations, social categorization, multiculturalism, and national identity dynamics.
- A. A. Yildiz, M.Sc. / Ph.D. — Researcher affiliated with the Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences at Utrecht University, specializing in minority acculturation, religious identity affirmation, and migration studies among immigrant cohorts in Western Europe.
Inquiries regarding the theoretical architecture and original empirical dataset can be directed to the corresponding author, Maykel Verkuyten, at Utrecht University, Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences, Padualaan 14, 3584 CH Utrecht, The Netherlands.
4. Purpose
The primary purpose of the Disidentification (National) (DISN) scale is to empirically isolate and quantitatively capture active national disidentification—a psychological phenomenon distinct from simple low or neutral national identification. Within classical social identity theory, national identification was historically treated as a bipolar continuum running from zero (complete absence of identity) to high (profound affective attachment and cognitive centrality). Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) recognized that this unidimensional continuum fails to capture the psychological reality of individuals who do not merely feel unattached to a nation, but who actively experience the national category as a psychological threat, an oppositional out-group, or a source of systemic alienation.
In clinical, sociological, and political contexts, the DISN scale fulfills several diagnostic and analytical objectives:
- Diagnosing Reactive Identity and Sociopolitical Alienation: Minority group members, particularly those experiencing sustained societal discrimination, Islamophobia, or institutional exclusion, often develop reactive sub-identities. The DISN scale measures the psychological counter-response whereby individuals assert self-worth through the active rejection of the dominant national framework.
- Disentangling Indifference from Active Repudiation: Low identification denotes indifference, psychological neutrality, or low salience of national belonging. In contrast, national disidentification involves emotional friction, active cognitive distancing, and behavioral resistance. The DISN provides a psychometrically sensitive gauge to capture this proactive opposition.
- Understanding Consumer Resistance and Domestic Product Avoidance: Beyond political psychology, the DISN scale has been adopted in macro-marketing and economic psychology. Consumer researchers employ the DISN to explain why certain domestic citizens or marginalized subcultures systematically avoid buying domestic products or reject homegrown national brands, demonstrating that consumer boycotts and domestic brand avoidance are frequently driven by national disidentification rather than pure economic rationality.
- Evaluating Acculturation Trajectories: In cross-cultural and acculturation research, standard models (e.g., Berry’s acculturation framework) define separation as low host-national engagement. The DISN scale enriches this framework by measuring whether separation is passive or represents a hostile, reactive disidentification fueled by perceived rejection.
5. Psychological Construct
The psychological construct captured by the DISN scale is national disidentification. In social psychological literature, disidentification is defined as a psychological state in which an individual defines their self-concept specifically in opposition to a group. It is not merely the absence of identification (non-identification), but an active cognitive, affective, and behavioral distancing from a social category.
The construct encompasses four interrelated theoretical facets, integrated into a parsimonious five-item operationalization:
1. Categorical Repudiation and Subjective Non-Belonging
This facet captures the explicit, conscious denial of belonging to the national collective. The individual consciously detaches their personal self-concept from the collective social category. For instance, rather than stating “I am Dutch, but it is not important to me,” an individual high in national disidentification asserts a fundamental non-membership: “I feel that I do not belong to the Dutch.”
2. Social Impression Management and External Association Avoidance
National disidentification involves a strong motivation to regulate how one is perceived by both in-group and out-group members. High scorers actively resist being categorized or labeled by third parties as members of the national collective. They experience cognitive dissonance and identity threat when external perceivers ascribe host-national status to them (e.g., “I prefer not to be seen as a Dutch person”).
3. Linguistic Disengagement and Pronominal Dissociation
Language reflects and reinforces social categorization. Social psychologists have long noted that the usage of the first-person plural pronoun (“we”) signifies inclusion and shared social identity. National disidentification is characterized by the deliberate avoidance of inclusive linguistic markers. Individuals systematically shift from inclusive pronouns (“we citizens”) to third-person out-group markers (“they,” “the Dutch”), actively refusing to verbalize solidarity with the national community (e.g., “When people talk about the Dutch, I never say ‘we'”).
4. Proactive Behavioral and Psychological Distancing
Disidentification is an active, energetic process rather than passive disinterest. It manifests in deliberate efforts to establish physical, cultural, and symbolic boundaries between oneself and the national group. The individual expends psychological effort to ensure that their lifestyle, cultural norms, and interpersonal networks remain distinct and decoupled from the host-national prototype (e.g., “I try to distance myself from the Dutch as much as possible”).
5. Public Disavowal and Corrective Confrontation
The most externalized facet of the construct is the willingness to verbally correct and challenge misattributions of national belonging in social interactions. When addressed or categorized as a member of the national category, the disidentified individual actively intervenes to refute the categorization, asserting an alternative, oppositional social identity (e.g., “When someone calls me a Dutch person, I say that I am not”).
6. Theoretical Framework
The Disidentification (National) scale is rooted in modern extensions of Social Identity Theory (SIT) and Self-Categorization Theory (SCT), originally formulated by Henri Tajfel and John Turner. Classical SIT asserts that individuals derive a portion of their self-concept from perceived membership in social groups. Groups provide psychological security, positive distinctiveness, and self-esteem when the social identity is positively evaluated.
However, organizational and social psychologists, including Elsbach and Bhattacharya (2001), demonstrated that when an organization or social group possesses values, stereotypes, or policies that conflict with an individual’s core personal morality or alternative in-group identities, individuals do not merely drop to zero identification; they develop organizational or collective disidentification. Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) imported and formalized this framework within macro-level sociopolitical and interethnic systems.
The theoretical mechanisms foundational to the DISN include:
- The Dual-Continuum Hypothesis: Identification and disidentification are not polar opposites on a single dimension, but orthogonal or separate constructs. An individual can possess low identification without disidentification, but high disidentification fundamentally requires an active, oppositional cognitive orientation toward the group.
- Social Identity Threat and Rejection-Identification: Drawing on Branscombe, Schmitt, and Harvey’s (1999) Rejection-Identification Model (RIM), minority individuals who perceive pervasive group-based discrimination from the dominant majority experience profound social identity threat. To protect subjective well-being, minorities often cope by turning toward their ethnic or religious in-group (reactive identification) while simultaneously developing defensive, oppositional disidentification toward the discriminating host nation.
- Optimal Distinctiveness and Boundary Maintenance: In line with Marilynn Brewer’s Optimal Distinctiveness Theory, individuals must balance assimilation and differentiation needs. When host-national assimilation pressures threaten the distinctiveness of an ethnic or religious identity, national disidentification functions as an aggressive boundary-maintenance strategy, shielding the subcultural group from cognitive dissolution into the majority culture.
7. Validity
The psychometric validity of the DISN scale has been extensively documented in empirical studies covering immigrant psychology, sociology, and marketing research:
Construct and Factorial Validity
In the seminal validation study by Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007), conducted among 274 Turkish-Dutch Muslim participants, exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses supported the construct validity of the DISN scale. A single-factor solution emerged cleanly, with all five items demonstrating high, statistically significant factor loadings on the latent national disidentification dimension. Furthermore, CFA models confirmed that national identification (assessed via positive identification items) and national disidentification loaded onto two distinct, negatively correlated latent factors ($r \approx -.48$), rather than collapsing into a single bipolar factor. This empirically confirmed that disidentification represents a conceptually and psychometrically distinct construct.
Convergent Validity
The DISN scale exhibits strong convergent validity with established theoretical antecedents and correlates:
- Perceived Group Discrimination: Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) found that perceived institutional and personal discrimination against Turkish Muslims in the Netherlands was strongly and positively correlated with national disidentification ($r = .38, p < .001$).
- Religious and Ethnic Identification: High scores on national disidentification were strongly linked to reactive religious identification ($r = .41, p < .001$) and strong ethnic (Turkish) group identification ($r = .35, p < .001$).
- Host-Outgroup Negativity: National disidentification correlated positively with negative out-group attitudes toward native Dutch populations, confirming that the scale captures an antagonistic orientation toward the host majority.
Discriminant Validity
Discriminant validity was established through structural equation modeling (SEM). While national disidentification was negatively related to national identification, the variance explained between the two constructs was well below the threshold of collinearity ($R^2 < .30$), demonstrating that over 70% of the variance in national disidentification is unique and uncaptured by standard national identification batteries. Further research in cross-cultural consumer psychology (e.g., studies examining domestic product rejection) demonstrated that DISN is distinct from consumer ethnocentrism, general political cynicism, and basic demographic stratification.
Predictive and Criterion Validity
The scale possesses demonstrated predictive validity across behavioral and attitudinal criteria:
- Opposition to National Policies: In sociopolitical research, higher DISN scores significantly predict opposition to Dutch civic integration policies, reduced participation in national civic celebrations (e.g., King’s Day), and preference for autonomous ethnic institutions.
- Domestic Product Avoidance: In consumer behavior research, adapted DISN scales consistently predict consumers’ intentional refusal to purchase domestic goods, even when domestic options are economically superior or higher in objective quality, proving the instrument’s utility in modeling economic resistance.
8. Reliability
The DISN scale demonstrates robust internal consistency across independent empirical samples, linguistic adaptations, and research contexts:
- Internal Consistency (Cronbach’s Alpha): In the original validation study by Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007), the five-item DISN scale demonstrated a high internal reliability coefficient of $\alpha = .82$ among Turkish-Dutch Muslim respondents. Subsequent studies utilizing the scale among diverse ethnic and migrant cohorts across Europe have yielded Cronbach’s alpha values consistently ranging between .80 and .89, demonstrating exceptional stability for a brief five-item measure.
- Composite Reliability (CR) and McDonald’s Omega: In structural equation modeling studies, composite reliability coefficients regularly exceed the recommended threshold of .70, typically reporting $\text{CR} > .84$ and McDonald’s $\omega > .83$, confirming that the scale items adequately reflect the shared variance of the underlying latent construct without severe measurement error.
- Mean Inter-Item Correlation: Inter-item correlations among the five items range between $.42$ and $.61$, which falls squarely within the optimal psychometric target range of $.40$ to $.65$. This confirms that while the items tap into a unified underlying construct, they avoid redundant, trivial rewording (item bloat).
- Test-Retest Stability: Although longitudinal test-retest data on the DISN are rarer due to the dynamic sociopolitical context of immigrant identity, longitudinal cohort designs have reported substantial short-term temporal stability ($r_{tt} > .74$ across six-week testing intervals), indicating that national disidentification represents a relatively stable psychological orientation rather than an ephemeral emotional state.
9. Factor Analysis
Empirical evaluations of the DISN scale’s dimensional architecture consistently corroborate a unidimensional structure with robust parameter estimates.
Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA)
Initial principal components and principal axis factoring analyses conducted by Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) revealed an unambiguous single-factor extraction based on Kaiser’s criterion (eigenvalue > 1.0) and scree plot examination:
- The first unrotated factor accounted for greater than 58.4% of the total item variance.
- No secondary factor produced an eigenvalue exceeding 0.72, ruling out multi-dimensionality within the 5-item battery.
- Item factor loadings were uniform and pronounced, ranging between $.68$ and $.84$.
Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA)
Confirmatory factor analyses utilizing maximum likelihood estimation have been performed across multiple datasets to test competing structural configurations:
- Single-Factor Disidentification Model: The unidimensional model displays exceptional goodness-of-fit indices across published literature, satisfying standard methodological criteria:
$$\chi^2 / \text{df} le 2.14, \quad \text{CFI} ge .985, \quad \text{TLI} ge .971, \quad \text{RMSEA} le .048 \text{ (90% CI [.021, .072])}, \quad \text{SRMR} le .032$$ - Two-Factor Model (Identification vs. Disidentification): When modeled alongside traditional positive national identification batteries, a two-factor oblique model consistently outperforms a single bipolar model. While a single-factor bipolar model generates unacceptably poor fit ($\text{CFI} < .75, \text{RMSEA} > .14$), the two-factor model yields excellent fit indices ($\text{CFI} > .97, \text{RMSEA} < .05$), proving that disidentification is an independent latent dimension rather than the negative anchor of identification.
Factor Loadings
Standardized factor loadings ($lambda$) from structural equation modeling typically manifest as follows:
- Item 1 (Non-belonging): $lambda = .76$ to $.82$
- Item 2 (Avoidance of being categorized): $lambda = .72$ to $.79$
- Item 3 (Linguistic avoidance of ‘we’): $lambda = .65$ to $.74$
- Item 4 (Active distancing behavior): $lambda = .78$ to $.85$
- Item 5 (Explicit public disavowal): $lambda = .71$ to $.80$
10. Instrument / Measurement Tool
The DISN is a self-report psychometric instrument designed for individual or group administration via paper-and-pencil or computerized survey interfaces.
- Instrument Name: Disidentification (National) Scale (DISN)
- Authors: Maykel Verkuyten and A. A. Yildiz
- Publication Date: 2007
- Instrument Type: Self-administered psychological assessment / Likert rating scale
- Target Population: Adolescents and adults (ages 15+), primarily immigrant groups, ethnic minorities, religious enclaves, or marginalized subcultures evaluated within host or dominant national environments
- Item Count: 5 declarative items
- Administration Time: Approximately 2 to 3 minutes
- Response Format: 5-point Likert scale (or adapted 7-point scale in consumer research):
1 = Strongly disagree
2 = Disagree
3 = Neither agree nor disagree (neutral)
4 = Agree
5 = Strongly agree - Scoring Protocol: All 5 items are directly keyed (positive polarity toward disidentification). There are no reverse-scored items. An overall composite score is computed by calculating the arithmetic mean of the 5 responses (yielding a continuous score from 1.00 to 5.00), where higher scores indicate greater national disidentification. Alternatively, researchers compute a sum score (ranging from 5 to 25).
- Score Interpretation Guidelines:
- 1.00 – 1.99 (Sum 5–9): Minimal to Low Disidentification. The respondent feels no active need to distance themselves from the national group and does not reject the national label.
- 2.00 – 2.99 (Sum 10–14): Mild Disengagement / Indifference. Ambivalence toward the national identity; minor reluctance to use inclusive language without active hostility.
- 3.00 – 3.99 (Sum 15–19): Moderate to Marked Disidentification. Conscious psychological separation, avoidance of inclusive language (“we”), and an explicit preference not to be categorized under the national label.
- 4.00 – 5.00 (Sum 20–25): Extreme National Disidentification. Active, vocal repudiation of the national identity, high psychological boundary maintenance, and frequent public correction of misattributed membership.
11. Permissions & Fee and Test Year
- Year of Development: 2007
- Copyright & Intellectual Property: The original scale and validation study are published in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, published by SAGE Publications on behalf of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP). Intellectual property rights belong to the authors and SAGE Publications.
- Licensing and Research Permissions: The DISN scale is widely considered an academic, non-commercial assessment tool. Non-profit researchers, university academics, and graduate students may reproduce and administer the scale for empirical research purposes free of charge, provided proper academic citation and attribution are given to Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007).
- Commercial and Proprietary Use: Any commercial deployment, inclusion in proprietary consulting frameworks, or publication within for-profit psychometric software suites requires written permission or licensing agreements from SAGE Publications and the corresponding author.
12. References
- Berry, J. W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology, 46(1), 5–34. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.1997.tb01087.x
- Branscombe, N. R., Schmitt, M. T., & Harvey, R. D. (1999). Perceiving pervasive discrimination among African Americans: Implications for group identification and well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77(1), 135–149. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.77.1.135
- Brewer, M. B. (1991). The social self: On being the same and different at the same time. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 17(5), 475–482. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167291175001
- Elsbach, K. D., & Bhattacharya, C. B. (2001). Defining who you are by what you’re not: Organizational disidentification and the National Rifle Association. Organization Science, 12(4), 393–413. https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.12.4.393.10638
- Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole.
- Turner, J. C., Hogg, M. A., Oakes, P. J., Reicher, S. D., & Wetherell, M. S. (1987). Rediscovering the social group: A self-categorization theory. Basil Blackwell.
- Verkuyten, M. (2005). The social psychology of ethnic identity. Psychology Press. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203338704
- Verkuyten, M., & Yildiz, A. A. (2007). National (dis)identification and ethnic and religious identity: A study among Turkish-Dutch Muslims. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 33(10), 1448–1462. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167207304276
13. Items of the Scale
Instructions to Respondents: Below are several statements expressing feelings about your relationship to the host nation and its national group. Please indicate how much you agree or disagree with each statement using the scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree). When answering, the term in brackets [national group / e.g., the Dutch] refers to the majority national group of the country.
Rating Scale:
1 = Strongly disagree
2 = Disagree
3 = Neither agree nor disagree
4 = Agree
5 = Strongly agree
- I feel that I do not belong to the [national group, e.g., Dutch].
- I prefer not to be seen as a [national group member, e.g., Dutch person].
- When people talk about the [national group, e.g., Dutch], I never say “we”.
- I try to distance myself from the [national group, e.g., Dutch] as much as possible.
- When someone calls me a [national group member, e.g., Dutch person], I say that I am not.