Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child

A comprehensive psychometric overview of the Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child (POPS-Child), measuring children’s perceptions of parental autonomy support and involvement within Self-Determination Theory.

Dr. Mohammed Looti An academic and researcher specialized in
PUBLISHED
Scientifically Reviewed · Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim · September 24, 2026
Medically & Scientifically Reviewed Verified: September 24, 2026
Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim PhD in Psychology
Faculty Member • University of Kerbala
Review Criteria & Clinical Standards

This content undergoes rigorous scientific peer-review and medical editorial standards at Arab Psychology Network to ensure clinical accuracy, validity, and compliance with evidence-based guidelines from leading psychological and healthcare authorities (APA / WHO).

1. Abstract

The Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child (POPS-Child), historically designated in child assessment protocols as “Things About My Parents,” is a self-report psychometric instrument developed within the conceptual framework of Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Grolnick & Ryan, 1989). Designed for late childhood and early adolescence (typically grades 3 through 6, ages 8 to 12), the instrument assesses children’s subjective appraisals of maternal and paternal parenting styles along two essential social-contextual dimensions: Autonomy Support (versus psychological control) and Involvement (versus neglect or disengagement). The standard child version consists of 22 forced-choice items divided evenly between maternal appraisals (Items 1–11) and paternal appraisals (Items 12–22). Each target item presents four developmentally tailored vignettes depicting distinct parent behavioral archetypes, yielding a graded ordinal score ranging from 1 (lowest autonomy support or lowest parental involvement) to 4 (optimal autonomy support or highest parental involvement).

Extensive psychometric investigations have established sound psychometric properties for the POPS-Child. Internal consistency estimates across subscales routinely achieve acceptable to strong reliability coefficients, with Cronbach’s alpha values typically ranging between α = .70 and α = .82 for maternal and paternal Autonomy Support, and α = .68 to α = .78 for maternal and paternal Involvement. Confirmatory factor analytic investigations reliably confirm a two-factor correlated structure per parental figure, distinguishing motivational autonomy facilitation from dedicated interpersonal investment. Empirical investigations validate the scale’s predictive utility: children who perceive their parents as highly autonomy-supportive and involved consistently exhibit elevated intrinsic academic motivation, higher autonomous self-regulation, superior conceptual learning, enhanced perceived competence, and lower manifestations of anxiety and school-related maladjustment. The POPS-Child remains a foundational instrument in developmental psychology, educational research, and pediatric clinical evaluation.

2. Keywords

Perceptions of Parents Scales, POPS-Child, Self-Determination Theory, autonomy support, parental involvement, psychological control, intrinsic motivation, child development, parenting style, academic self-regulation, perceived competence, psychometrics

3. Authors

The Perceptions of Parents Scales (POPS) for children was created and refined through empirical investigations conducted by researchers affiliated with the Human Motivation Program within the Department of Psychology at the University of Rochester:

  • Wendy S. Grolnick, Ph.D. – Professor of Psychology, Department of Psychology, Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, United States. (Formerly at the University of Rochester). Primary investigator in developmental operationalizations of Self-Determination Theory, parental socialization styles, and child motivational development.
  • Richard M. Ryan, Ph.D. – Research Professor, Institute for Positive Psychology and Education, Australian Catholic University; Professor Emeritus of Clinical and Social Sciences in Psychology, University of Rochester. Co-founder of Self-Determination Theory.
  • Edward L. Deci, Ph.D. – Professor Emeritus of Psychology and Gowen Professor in the Social Sciences, Department of Clinical and Social Sciences in Psychology, University of Rochester. Co-founder of Self-Determination Theory.

Contact information and official theoretical resources are maintained through the Center for Self-Determination Theory (https://selfdeterminationtheory.org).

4. Purpose

The primary purpose of the Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child is to operationalize and measure children’s internal representations of parental socializing behaviors. Rooted in organismic developmental psychology, the instrument avoids measuring global, unidimensional constructs like general warmth or authoritarianism. Instead, it measures specific functional dynamics that either facilitate or hinder the child’s natural drive toward psychological growth, internal integration, and healthy self-regulation (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989; Grolnick, Ryan, & Deci, 1991).

Theoretical Rationale and Developmental Imperative

Historically, developmental research conceptualized parenting through broad frameworks such as Baumrind’s (1971) typology (authoritative, authoritarian, permissive) or Becker’s (1964) axes (warmth vs. hostility, restrictiveness vs. permissiveness). While historically valuable, these frameworks frequently confounded parental control with organizational structure, and parental warmth with dynamic autonomy support. The POPS-Child was engineered to resolve these conceptual ambiguities. In Self-Determination Theory, healthy socialization requires distinguishing between:

  • Interpersonal Control: Pressuring, coercing, or inducing guilt to compel specific thoughts, affects, or behaviors;
  • Autonomy Support: Acknowledging the child’s perspective, offering meaningful rationales for limits, encouraging choice, and actively minimizing coercive demands;
  • Involvement: Dedicating emotional, instrumental, and physical resources, displaying interest, and spending time with the child.

The POPS-Child measures how children experience these distinct parental behaviors. Rather than relying solely on parent self-reports—which are vulnerable to social desirability bias and reflect adult intentions rather than lived interactions—the POPS assesses the child’s direct appraisal. Developmental research shows that children’s functional motivation and self-beliefs are shaped primarily by their subjective psychological reality, rather than by objective adult behaviors alone.

Research and Clinical Applications

In educational research, the scale is widely applied to examine the home environment’s influence on academic engagement, homework completion, classroom self-regulation, and achievement-oriented perseverance. In clinical and developmental settings, the POPS-Child helps practitioners identify contextual factors contributing to childhood depressive symptoms, externalizing behavioral difficulties, school refusal, and internalizing anxiety disorders. By evaluating maternal and paternal figures separately, the scale captures family system nuances, showing where a child may experience disparate motivational climates across parents.

5. Psychological Construct

The POPS-Child evaluates two central, interrelated psychological constructs: Autonomy Support and Involvement, evaluated independently for both mother (or maternal primary caregiver) and father (or paternal primary caregiver).

Autonomy Support vs. Psychological Control

Autonomy Support refers to the socializing practices through which parents validate their child’s internal frame of reference, encourage independent exploration, support choice, and provide rationale for rules and guidelines, rather than relying on external controls. In contrast, parental control involves pressuring, demanding, or manipulating the child to act, think, or feel in specific ways through authoritarian dominance, guilt induction, love withdrawal, or unconditional power assertions (Grolnick et al., 1991; Ryan & Deci, 2017).

Within the POPS-Child, Autonomy Support is captured through six targeted maternal items (Items 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11) and six identical paternal items (Items 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22). These scenarios assess how the parent handles choice, authority, emotional reactions, and mistakes:

  • Perspective Taking and Emotional Validation: Does the parent validate the child’s unique emotional experience, or do they expect the child to mirror parental emotional states? (e.g., Items 3 and 14).
  • Authoritarian Dominance vs. Democratic Guidance: Does the parent boss the child around and demand compliance based solely on authority, or do they respect the child’s perspective while setting clear expectations? (e.g., Items 5 and 16).
  • Tolerance of Failure: Does the parent treat errors and mistakes as natural learning opportunities, or do they respond with hostility, frustration, or conditional regard? (e.g., Items 9 and 20).
  • Receptive Problem Solving: Does the parent listen attentively to the child’s ideas and opinions, or do they dismiss them as silly, trivial, or secondary to the adult’s perspective? (e.g., Items 11 and 22).

Parental Involvement

Involvement reflects the extent to which parents devote real, stable resources to the child. This includes dedicating uninterrupted time, displaying interest in the child’s activities, actively listening, and staying engaged with their academic and social life. The opposite end of this spectrum is disinterest, emotional distance, or neglectful detachment (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989).

In the POPS-Child, Involvement is measured by five maternal items (Items 2, 4, 6, 8, 10) and five paternal items (Items 13, 15, 17, 19, 21). Specific behavioral indicators include:

  • Time Allocation and Attunement: Does the parent provide meaningful, focused time, or are they consistently unavailable, distracted, or perfunctory? (e.g., Items 2 and 13).
  • Reciprocal Communication: Does the parent engage in real conversations about the child’s daily experiences, or do they only talk about adult topics? (e.g., Items 4 and 15).
  • Interest in Child’s Passions: Does the parent show active curiosity about the child’s authentic interests, or do they only pay attention to activities that match their own preferences? (e.g., Items 6 and 17).
  • Readiness to Assist: Does the parent provide support when the child requests help, or do they refuse, ignore, or offer assistance with visible annoyance? (e.g., Items 8 and 19).
  • School Engagement: Does the parent take an active, balanced interest in the child’s school life, or do they show indifferent detachment, excessive pressure, or interest only when grades are high? (e.g., Items 10 and 21).

6. Theoretical Framework

The Perceptions of Parents Scales are grounded in Self-Determination Theory (SDT), a macro-theory of human motivation, personal development, and psychological wellness developed by Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan. SDT posits that humans are active, growth-oriented organisms with an innate tendency toward integration of the self, psychological growth, and constructive social functioning. However, this natural potential requires specific social-contextual nutriments to thrive.

Basic Psychological Needs Theory (BPNT)

At the center of SDT is Basic Psychological Needs Theory, which identifies three universal, essential psychological needs:

  • Autonomy: The psychological need to experience oneself as the initiator and author of one’s own life and choices, rather than feeling controlled by external or internal pressures.
  • Competence: The need to feel capable of mastering challenges, developing effective interactions with the environment, and experiencing opportunities to exercise personal capacities.
  • Relatedness: The need to experience reciprocal care, belonging, and connection with significant others.

The POPS-Child directly assesses family conditions that satisfy or undermine these needs. Parental Autonomy Support directly satisfies the need for autonomy, while protecting against psychological control that induces anxiety or compliance. Parental Involvement directly satisfies the need for relatedness, providing the emotional security children need to explore their world. In turn, both autonomy support and involvement support Competence by offering responsive feedback, age-appropriate scaffolding, and a secure environment for learning.

Organismic Integration Theory (OIT)

The POPS-Child also aligns with Organismic Integration Theory, a sub-theory of SDT focusing on how non-intrinsically motivated behaviors are internalized and integrated into the self. As children grow, they encounter many tasks (e.g., homework, rules, daily chores) that are not inherently enjoyable. Whether a child completes these tasks through external regulation (coercion, reward), introjection (guilt, pride), identification (valuing the task), or integration (harmonizing the value with the self) depends heavily on the socializing environment.

When parents combine clear structure with high autonomy support and genuine involvement, children more easily internalize social values and develop self-regulated behaviors. Conversely, when children experience parenting as controlling or uninvolved, socialization stalls at introjection or external defiance. This theoretical pathway links children’s perceptions on the POPS with concrete developmental outcomes like school engagement, personal autonomy, and emotional health (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989; Ryan & Deci, 2017).

7. Validity

The construct, convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity of the POPS-Child has been demonstrated in developmental, educational, and clinical investigations over several decades.

Construct and Structural Validity

Initial validation studies by Grolnick and Ryan (1989) and Grolnick, Ryan, and Deci (1991) confirmed that children reliably differentiate between maternal and paternal parenting dimensions, as well as between autonomy support and interpersonal involvement. Intercorrelations between Autonomy Support and Involvement within the same parent typically range from moderate to strong (r = .40 to .60), showing they reflect distinct but complementary dimensions of positive parenting.

Convergent and Discriminant Validity

Convergent validity is supported by strong correlations with related parenting and relational constructs:

  • Children’s POPS scores correlate meaningfully with observational assessments of parent-child interactions (e.g., maternal autonomy-supportive coaching behaviors during laboratory problem-solving tasks; Grolnick et al., 1991).
  • POPS Autonomy Support scales show significant positive correlations with Harter’s (1982) Perceived Competence Scale for Children and Scales of Intrinsic versus Extrinsic Motivational Orientation.
  • The scales correlate negatively with measures of trait anxiety, external locus of control, and depressive symptoms (Deci & Ryan, 2000).
  • Discriminant validity analyses confirm that POPS subscales measure patterns distinct from general socioeconomic status, child cognitive capacity, or simple response bias.

Predictive and Longitudinal Validity

Multiple studies confirm the predictive utility of the POPS-Child across various functional domains:

  • Academic Self-Regulation: Children who report higher autonomy support from both mothers and fathers demonstrate significantly greater relative autonomy on the Self-Regulation Questionnaire-Academic (SRQ-A), relying less on external rewards or introjected guilt and more on identified and intrinsic motivation (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989).
  • Academic Performance and Competence: Longitudinal analyses demonstrate that child perceptions of parental autonomy support and involvement predict higher teacher-rated school competence, mastery motivation, and objective standardized achievement scores (Grolnick et al., 1991).
  • Emotional Well-Being: Higher parental autonomy support and involvement scores are prospectively associated with better self-esteem, greater emotional regulation, and lower behavioral maladjustment (Ryan, Stiller, & Lynch, 1994).

8. Reliability

The POPS-Child demonstrates solid reliability for a child-directed questionnaire, balanced across its developmental design and item structure.

Internal Consistency

Across published validation samples and related developmental research, internal consistency reliability (evaluated using Cronbach’s alpha) typically ranges from acceptable to good:

  • Maternal Autonomy Support: α = .72 to .81
  • Maternal Involvement: α = .69 to .78
  • Paternal Autonomy Support: α = .74 to .82
  • Paternal Involvement: α = .71 to .80

Composite indices created by averaging standardized autonomy support and involvement scores demonstrate high overall internal consistency, frequently exceeding α = .84 for both maternal and paternal composites (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989; Grolnick et al., 1991). These metrics confirm that despite the developmental variations typical of late childhood, the subscales provide dependable measurement across diverse socioeconomic and school settings.

Test-Retest Stability

Test-retest reliability assessments conducted across intervals ranging from 4 to 8 weeks yield stability coefficients between r = .68 and r = .79 for both maternal and paternal subscales. These coefficients indicate that the instrument captures enduring perceptions of the familial climate rather than fleeting, mood-dependent states, while remaining sensitive to systemic shifts in parent-child interactions over longer intervals.

9. Factor Analysis

Extensive factor-analytic evaluations of the POPS-Child confirm the underlying structural theoretical design developed by Grolnick and Ryan.

Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA)

In early development, principal axes factor analyses with oblique (Oblimin and Promax) rotations confirmed clean two-factor solutions when evaluating items for each parent independently. Maternal and paternal items consistently yielded two clear factors:

  • Factor 1: Autonomy Support vs. Psychological Control – Comprising the 6 theoretical autonomy support items, with primary factor loadings typically ranging between .42 and .76, and minimal cross-loadings onto the involvement factor (< .20).
  • Factor 2: Involvement vs. Uninvolvement – Comprising the 5 theoretical involvement items, with factor loadings between .40 and .72, and cross-loadings under .25.

Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA)

Subsequent confirmatory factor analyses have evaluated the hypothesized two-factor correlated model against alternative specifications (such as a single unidimensional “good parenting” model). CFA results consistently demonstrate that the two-factor model provides superior fit to the data:

  • Comparative Fit Index (CFI) > .92
  • Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI) > .90
  • Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) ≤ .055 (90% CI [.041, .068])
  • Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR) ≤ .051

These fit indices support the theoretical distinction between how parents support a child’s autonomy and how actively involved they are. Measurement invariance testing across child gender has confirmed metric and scalar invariance, showing the scale functions equivalently for boys and girls.

10. Instrument / Measurement Tool

  • Instrument Name: Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child (POPS-Child); child protocol heading: “Things About My Parents”
  • Authors: Wendy S. Grolnick, Ph.D., Richard M. Ryan, Ph.D., & Edward L. Deci, Ph.D.
  • Target Population: Children in upper elementary and middle school (grades 3–6; approximately ages 8 to 12). Can be read aloud for younger or clinically vulnerable populations.
  • Administration Format: Paper-and-pencil questionnaire or secure digital self-report. Can be completed individually or in small classroom settings.
  • Item Composition: 22 items total (11 Mother items: 1 to 11; 11 Father items: 12 to 22).
  • Response Format: 4-choice forced-choice format per item (scored 1 to 4, representing autonomy-supportive to controlling / involved to uninvolved). Each item presents four distinct descriptive statements labeled A through D, and respondents select the single option that best describes their parent.
  • Subscale Breakdown:
    • Mother Autonomy Support: Items 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11
    • Mother Involvement: Items 2, 4, 6, 8, 10
    • Father Autonomy Support: Items 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22
    • Father Involvement: Items 13, 15, 17, 19, 21
  • Scoring and Transformation:
    • In accordance with SDT scoring protocols, the four options within each item correspond to a continuum from 1 (lowest autonomy support or lowest involvement) to 4 (optimal autonomy support or highest involvement).
    • Individual subscale scores are computed by calculating the arithmetic mean of the relevant item responses. Subscale scores range from 1.00 to 4.00, where higher scores reflect greater perceived autonomy support or involvement.
    • Composite maternal and paternal scores can be derived by averaging the respective Autonomy Support and Involvement subscale scores, or by standardizing (z-scores) and combining them.
  • Estimated Completion Time: 15 to 25 minutes depending on child reading comprehension and administration mode.

11. Permissions, Fee, and Test Year

The Perceptions of Parents Scales (POPS) – Child was originally published in 1989 through foundational research by Dr. Wendy S. Grolnick and Dr. Richard M. Ryan at the University of Rochester. The scale is an open-access psychometric instrument available freely for non-commercial academic research, pedagogical purposes, and clinical evaluations.

No licensing fees or formal commercial royalties are required to administer the instrument. Researchers and clinicians may utilize the scale in accordance with standard academic citation guidelines. Official versions, scoring routines, and theoretical handbooks are distributed through the Center for Self-Determination Theory (https://selfdeterminationtheory.org). Modifications, institutional redistributions, or inclusions within commercial software systems require formal permission from the scale authors.

12. References

  • Baumrind, D. (1971). Current patterns of parental authority. Developmental Psychology, 4(1p2), 1–103. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0030372
  • Becker, W. C. (1964). Consequences of different kinds of parental discipline. In M. L. Hoffman & L. W. Hoffman (Eds.), Review of Child Development Research (Vol. 1, pp. 169–208). Russell Sage Foundation.
  • Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (1985). Intrinsic Motivation and Self-Determination in Human Behavior. Plenum Press. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2271-7
  • Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). The “what” and “why” of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. Psychological Inquiry, 11(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01
  • Grolnick, W. S., & Ryan, R. M. (1989). Parent styles associated with children’s self-regulation and competence in school. Journal of Educational Psychology, 81(2), 143–154. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0663.81.2.143
  • Grolnick, W. S., Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (1991). Inner resources for school achievement: Motivational mediators of children’s perceptions of their parents. Journal of Educational Psychology, 83(4), 508–517. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0663.83.4.508
  • Harter, S. (1982). The Perceived Competence Scale for Children. Child Development, 53(1), 87–97. https://doi.org/10.23037/1130618
  • Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2017). Self-Determination Theory: Basic Psychological Needs in Motivation, Development, and Wellness. Guilford Press. https://doi.org/10.1521/978.14625/28769
  • Ryan, R. M., Stiller, J. D., & Lynch, J. H. (1994). Representations of relationships to teachers, parents, and friends as predictors of academic motivation and self-esteem in early adolescence. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 14(2), 226–249. https://doi.org/10.1177/027243169401400207

13. Items of the Scale (Questionnaire)

Below are the authentic scale items in their original language as published in the standard psychometric validation studies, without modification or translation to preserve instrument validity and reliability:
Instructions / Directions: We are interested to know more about your mother and your father. First we will ask about your mother, and then we will ask about your father. Each number is followed by four statements that describe four different types of parents. For some, there will be a description of four types of mothers, and for others there will be descriptions of four types of fathers. In either case, read the four statements about the four types of mothers or fathers, and decide which one is the best description of your own mother or father. Different people's mothers and fathers are different, and we want to know about yours. Now please read each group of four statements carefully and check the one statement in each group that is most like your mother or father.
Response Scale: 4-choice forced-choice format per item (scored 1 to 4, representing autonomy-supportive to controlling / involved to uninvolved)
Scoring / Reverse Items: Items assess two dimensions: Autonomy Support vs. Control, and Involvement. Mother subscales: Autonomy Support (Items 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11) and Involvement (Items 2, 4, 6, 8, 10). Father subscales: Autonomy Support (Items 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22) and Involvement (Items 13, 15, 17, 19, 21). Statements within each item are scored from 1 (least supportive/involved) to 4 (most supportive/involved) based on SDT scoring protocols.
1

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers are always telling their children what to do and how to do it.

B.

Some mothers let their children decide what to do most of the time.

C.

Some mothers always tell their children what they want them to do, but listen to what they have to say.

D.

Some mothers let their children do whatever they want.

2

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers don't spend much time with their children because they have other things to do.

B.

Some mothers are always with their children and want to know everything they are doing.

C.

Some mothers spend time with their children when their children want to do something with them.

D.

Some mothers spend a lot of time with their children, but don't really pay much attention to them.

3

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers don't understand how their children feel about things.

B.

Some mothers think their children should feel the same way they do about things.

C.

Some mothers really understand how their children feel about things.

D.

Some mothers don't care how their children feel about things.

4

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers don't talk very much to their children about what their children are doing.

B.

Some mothers always talk to their children about what their children are doing.

C.

Some mothers talk to their children about what they are doing when the children want to talk.

D.

Some mothers talk to their children a lot, but only about what the mother wants to talk about.

5

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers are always bossing their children around.

B.

Some mothers never boss their children around.

C.

Some mothers only boss their children around when they really have to.

D.

Some mothers boss their children around a little bit.

6

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers know a lot about what their children are interested in.

B.

Some mothers don't know much about what their children are interested in.

C.

Some mothers know a little about what their children are interested in.

D.

Some mothers only care about the things that they want their children to be interested in.

7

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers let their children make their own plans for things.

B.

Some mothers make all the plans for their children.

C.

Some mothers help their children make plans, but let the children decide.

D.

Some mothers don't care about their children's plans.

8

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers don't help their children with things they need help with.

B.

Some mothers are always helping their children, even when they don't need help.

C.

Some mothers help their children when their children ask for help.

D.

Some mothers help their children, but get annoyed when they have to do it.

9

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers think it's okay for their children to make mistakes.

B.

Some mothers get mad when their children make mistakes.

C.

Some mothers don't care if their children make mistakes or not.

D.

Some mothers say it's okay to make mistakes, but they really get annoyed.

10

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers don't show much interest in what their children do in school.

B.

Some mothers show a lot of interest in what their children do in school.

C.

Some mothers are interested in school only when their children get good grades.

D.

Some mothers are so interested in school that they make their children nervous.

11

MOTHER:
A.

Some mothers listen carefully to their children's ideas.

B.

Some mothers don't pay attention when their children talk about their ideas.

C.

Some mothers think their children's ideas are silly.

D.

Some mothers listen to their children's ideas only when they agree with them.

12

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers are always telling their children what to do and how to do it.

B.

Some fathers let their children decide what to do most of the time.

C.

Some fathers always tell their children what they want them to do, but listen to what they have to say.

D.

Some fathers let their children do whatever they want.

13

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers don't spend much time with their children because they have other things to do.

B.

Some fathers are always with their children and want to know everything they are doing.

C.

Some fathers spend time with their children when their children want to do something with them.

D.

Some fathers spend a lot of time with their children, but don't really pay much attention to them.

14

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers don't understand how their children feel about things.

B.

Some fathers think their children should feel the same way they do about things.

C.

Some fathers really understand how their children feel about things.

D.

Some fathers don't care how their children feel about things.

15

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers don't talk very much to their children about what their children are doing.

B.

Some fathers always talk to their children about what their children are doing.

C.

Some fathers talk to their children about what they are doing when the children want to talk.

D.

Some fathers talk to their children a lot, but only about what the father wants to talk about.

16

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers are always bossing their children around.

B.

Some fathers never boss their children around.

C.

Some fathers only boss their children around when they really have to.

D.

Some fathers boss their children around a little bit.

17

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers know a lot about what their children are interested in.

B.

Some fathers don't know much about what their children are interested in.

C.

Some fathers know a little about what their children are interested in.

D.

Some fathers only care about the things that they want their children to be interested in.

18

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers let their children make their own plans for things.

B.

Some fathers make all the plans for their children.

C.

Some fathers help their children make plans, but let the children decide.

D.

Some fathers don't care about their children's plans.

19

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers don't help their children with things they need help with.

B.

Some fathers are always helping their children, even when they don't need help.

C.

Some fathers help their children when their children ask for help.

D.

Some fathers help their children, but get annoyed when they have to do it.

20

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers think it's okay for their children to make mistakes.

B.

Some fathers get mad when their children make mistakes.

C.

Some fathers don't care if their children make mistakes or not.

D.

Some fathers say it's okay to make mistakes, but they really get annoyed.

21

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers don't show much interest in what their children do in school.

B.

Some fathers show a lot of interest in what their children do in school.

C.

Some fathers are interested in school only when their children get good grades.

D.

Some fathers are so interested in school that they make their children nervous.

22

FATHER:
A.

Some fathers listen carefully to their children's ideas.

B.

Some fathers don't pay attention when their children talk about their ideas.

C.

Some fathers think their children's ideas are silly.

D.

Some fathers listen to their children's ideas only when they agree with them.

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Cite This Article

Looti, M. (2026, September 24). Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child. PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. https://english.arabpsychology.com/scales/perceptions-of-parents-scales-child/
Looti, Mohammed. “Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE, 24 September 2026, https://english.arabpsychology.com/scales/perceptions-of-parents-scales-child/.
Looti, Mohammed. “Perceptions of Parents Scales – Child.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. September 24, 2026. https://english.arabpsychology.com/scales/perceptions-of-parents-scales-child/.