Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument

The Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument (ACRI), developed by Yin, Ji, and Blum, is a 12-item psychometric scale based on Item Response Theory designed to assess attitudes toward anti-China rhetoric among Chinese international students.

Dr. Mohammed Looti An academic and researcher specialized in
PUBLISHED
Scientifically Reviewed · Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim · September 27, 2026
Medically & Scientifically Reviewed Verified: September 27, 2026
Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim PhD in Psychology
Faculty Member • University of Kerbala
Review Criteria & Clinical Standards

This content undergoes rigorous scientific peer-review and medical editorial standards at Arab Psychology Network to ensure clinical accuracy, validity, and compliance with evidence-based guidelines from leading psychological and healthcare authorities (APA / WHO).

1. Abstract

The Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument (ACRI) is an advanced psychometric measurement scale developed by Peng Yin, Feng Ji, and Alexander M. Blum to evaluate individuals’—particularly Chinese international students’—attitudinal endorsements of anti-China rhetoric (Sinophobia and institutional discursive comparisons). Grounded systematically in modern psychometric modeling and Item Response Theory (IRT), the ACRI addresses an increasingly critical sociopolitical phenomenon within global higher education: the psychological negotiation, internalization, and endorsement of dominant geopolitical discourses comparing Chinese and Western (specifically United States) sociocultural, academic, governance, and institutional systems.

The finalized scale comprises 12 uniquely formatted items. Each item is constructed as a compound measurement stimulus featuring a contextual narrative vignette followed by a definitive comparative statement that exemplifies a classic “us–them” sociopolitical paradigm. Respondents evaluate these items across a 4-point polytomous Likert-type response continuum ranging from 0 (“disagree completely”) to 3 (“agree completely”). The initial psychometric validation was conducted on a representative sample of Chinese undergraduate students enrolled in United States higher education institutions, representing the single largest demographic subgroup of international students nationwide.

Psychometric evaluation demonstrated exceptional structural and measurement properties. A Principal Component Analysis (PCA) revealed an unambiguous dominant primary dimension explaining 39.6% of the common variance, supported by a Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) yielding exemplary model fit indices: χ² = 113 (df = 54, p < .001), Comparative Fit Index (CFI) = .98, Non-Normed/Tucker–Lewis Index (TLI) = .98, Normed Fit Index (NFI) = .96, and Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) = .058. Within an IRT framework, every item demonstrated monotonic categorization where mean latent trait (θ) estimates increased continuously across ordinal response categories. Reliability estimation established high latent trait measurement precision, with an Expected A Posteriori/Plausible Values (EAP/PV) reliability coefficient of .85 and a Weighted Likelihood Estimates (WLE) Person Separation Index of .84. The ACRI stands as a foundational empirical assessment tool for higher education administrators, cross-cultural psychologists, and sociologists evaluating institutional climate, student mental health, identity negotiation, and systemic equity.

2. Keywords

Anti-China Rhetoric, Chinese International Students, Attitudinal Measurement, Item Response Theory, Cross-Cultural Psychometrics, Higher Education Equity, Geopolitical Discourse, Acculturation Stress, Us-Them Dichotomy, Sociopolitical Attitudes, Latent Trait Modeling, Institutional Diversity

3. Authors

The Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument was conceptualized, operationalized, and psychometrically validated by a collaborative team of educational measurement specialists and social scientists:

  • Peng Yin, Ph.D. (Corresponding Author)
    ORCID: 0000-0002-4977-6155
    Affiliation: University of California, Berkeley, School of Education
    Address: 2121 Berkeley Way, Berkeley, California, United States, 94720-1670
    Email: [email protected]
  • Feng Ji, Ph.D.
    Affiliation: University of Toronto, Department of Applied Psychology and Human Development, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), Toronto, Ontario, Canada
  • Alexander M. Blum, Ph.D.
    Affiliation: Stanford University, Graduate School of Education, Stanford, California, United States

4. Purpose

The development of the Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument (ACRI) was driven by an urgent necessity within cross-cultural psychology, sociolinguistics, and educational administration to rigorously capture and quantify the psychological impact of escalating geopolitical tensions on individual belief systems. Over the past decade, bilateral relations between the United States and the People’s Republic of China have undergone pronounced geopolitical friction, manifested in media portrayals, national security policies, intellectual property disputes, and university campus dialogues. Chinese international students navigate a complex psychological environment where their national, cultural, and racial identities are scrutinized against pervasive public narratives of systemic inferiority, authoritarianism, and academic malfeasance.

Prior to the introduction of the ACRI, institutional inquiries into international student acculturation relied largely on broad constructs such as acculturative stress, generalized perceived discrimination, or traditional depression and anxiety inventories. While informative, such measures fail to operationalize the specific, systemic ideological narratives directed against the modern Chinese state, society, and its people. The ACRI was designed to isolate the attitudinal continuum regarding Anti-China Rhetoric (ACR)—specifically measuring the extent to which an individual endorses or internalizes dichotomous, deficit-based propositions comparing China unfavorably to Western, and specifically American, standards of governance, innovation, ethics, and civil society.

In applied higher education settings, the instrument provides campus diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) offices, student affairs divisions, and psychological counseling centers with a diagnostic framework. By identifying where students position themselves along this attitudinal spectrum, institutions can assess vulnerability to identity conflict, social alienation, and stereotype threat. When international students internalize derogatory geopolitical narratives, their self-efficacy, psychological safety, and socio-emotional integration suffer. Conversely, examining variance in these attitudes helps unpack how students resist or deconstruct institutionalized racial and geopolitical tropes.

From a research perspective, the scale offers an empirically validated metric to explore structural equations linking external media consumption, institutional climate, and interpersonal microaggressions to psychological outcomes like ethnic identity affirmation, acculturative distress, and cognitive dissonance. It serves as an essential measurement bridge across higher education internationalization, comparative sociology, and modern latent trait psychometrics.

5. Psychological Construct

The core construct measured by the ACRI is Attitudes Toward Anti-China Rhetoric (ACR). Conceptually, anti-China rhetoric does not merely represent critical observation or benign policy critique; it embodies a formalized, historically embedded discursive framework that casts China and its cultural, educational, and political manifestations as an essentialized, deficit-laden “Other” in direct contrast to idealized Western, specifically American, exceptionalism. The construct captures the degree of cognitive endorsement, acceptance, or approval an individual displays toward these systematic us-versus-them comparisons across multiple sociocultural and systemic domains.

Although the ACRI is psychometrically unidimensional, the latent construct encompasses twelve thematic operational domains:

  • Technological and Educational Innovation: Characterizing Chinese innovation as derivative, fraudulent, or incapable of genuine breakthroughs, while positioning the American academic environment as the sole generator of original inventive culture.
  • Pedagogy and Critical Thinking: Framing Chinese educational traditions as fundamentally deficient, passive, and reliant on rote memorization, contrasted against Western paradigms framed as uniquely promoting independent critical inquiry.
  • Quality and Stature of Higher Education: Conceptualizing Western universities as an unassailable gold standard, asserting that Chinese higher education can never rival global Western dominance.
  • Civic Engagement and Social Movements: Depicting Chinese civil society as politically backward and inherently incapable of fostering grass-roots mobilization (e.g., gender equity or labor movements) relative to Western open engagement.
  • Freedom of Expression and Public Discourse: Framing Chinese governance models as wholly repressive, contrasting them with idealized Western frameworks of unrestricted free speech.
  • Information Governance and Digital Networks: Viewing state regulation of the internet and global information flow solely through the lens of authoritarian suppression, counterposed against idealized Western openness.
  • Academic Integrity and Ethics: Attributing academic misconduct, plagiarism, and fraudulent degree pursuits to intrinsic cultural pathologies rather than universal institutional challenges.
  • Scientific Integrity and Research Rigor: Asserting that Chinese scientific culture is fundamentally compromised by institutional utilitarianism, intellectual shortcuts (ji gōng jìn lì), and absence of ethical boundaries.
  • Moral Altruism vs. Self-Interest: Positing that modern Chinese society is characterized by hyper-utilitarian selfishness, whereas Western societies are inherently driven by prosocial, world-improving benevolence.
  • Xenophobia and Intercultural Receptivity: Defining Chinese society as insular, ethnocentric, and hostile to foreigners, contrasted against an idealized portrait of Western hospitality and egalitarianism.
  • Socioeconomic Mobility and Equity: Believing that Chinese social stratification offers upward mobility only to political and socioeconomic elites, while American societal structures provide open meritocracies.
  • Economic Sophistication and Systemic Viability: Framing Chinese economic growth as brittle, non-transparent, and structurally flawed compared to Western economic models.

Across all twelve dimensions, the construct captures the acceptance of an asymmetrical moral and civilizational hierarchy. An individual with a high latent score (θ) systematically endorses these sweeping comparative critiques, viewing Chinese systems as fundamentally inferior across diverse social spheres.

6. Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework undergirding the ACRI draws upon Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), Edward Said’s Orientalist Discourse Theory (1978), and modern Acculturation Frameworks (Berry, 1997).

Social Identity Theory posits that individuals categorize their social worlds into ingroups (“us”) and outgroups (“them”). To sustain positive self-esteem and social identity, group members engage in social comparisons that favor the ingroup while devaluing the outgroup. In the context of transnational migration, Chinese international students confront an inverse scenario: the host country’s dominant culture disseminates powerful outgroup-derogating narratives targeting the students’ national ingroup. As articulated by Said (1978), the West defines its modern identity through constructing an “Orient” that functions as its civilizational foil—authoritarian where the West is free, unoriginal where the West is creative, and corrupt where the West is ethical. The ACRI measures the degree to which these Orientalist binaries are embraced or rejected by students residing at the center of Western institutions.

From an acculturation psychology perspective, John Berry’s model identifies multiple acculturative orientations (assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization). Students who strongly assimilate or experience internalized stigma may adopt host-culture biases, pathologizing their heritage background to align with the dominant discourse. Conversely, resistant attitudes may reflect defensive separation or critical consciousness. Measuring this orientation requires assessing not just raw agreement with isolated statements, but structural alignment with complex ideological scripts.

Methodologically, the construction of the ACRI adheres to Mark Wilson’s (2005) Constructing Measures: An Approach to Modeling an Embodied Dimension. Wilson’s four-building-block framework—comprising the Construct Map, the Items Design, the Measurement Model, and the Scoring Guides—anchors the ACRI. The instrument incorporates narrative vignettes to contextualize ideological statements, reflecting cognitive linguistics evidence that abstract geopolitical attitudes are processed through situational framing rather than isolated propositions.

7. Validity

The validation of the Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument utilized a multi-stage empirical process combining classical psychometrics and modern Item Response Theory, executed on Chinese undergraduate students across diverse United States institutions.

Construct Validity and Latent Category Monotonicity

In accordance with polytomous Item Response Theory guidelines (Wilson, 2005), construct validity at the item level requires that the observed categorical response options exhibit strict order monotonicity. For an item to function properly along the latent continuum, the expected latent trait value (Mean θ) must increase systematically with each ascending rating category (0 → 1 → 2 → 3). Empirical evaluation of all 12 items confirmed this monotonic increase: students endorsing “agree completely” displayed substantially higher latent trait estimates (θ) than those selecting “agree somewhat,” who in turn demonstrated higher estimates than those selecting “disagree somewhat” or “disagree completely.” No category threshold reversals or disordered step parameters were observed, confirming that the rating scale operationalizes the intended attitudinal gradient.

Dimensional and Structural Validity

Structural validity was assessed through sequential factor analyses. Initial exploratory evaluation via Principal Component Analysis established that a single dominant eigenvalue accounted for 39.6% of the total common variance, satisfying standard criteria for essential unidimensionality in item response modeling (Reckase, 1979). A subsequent Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) evaluated a unidimensional latent structure against empirical covariance matrices, producing good global fit:

  • Chi-Square (χ²): 113 with 54 degrees of freedom (χ²/df = 2.09, below the recommended threshold of 3.0).
  • Comparative Fit Index (CFI): .98 (exceeding the ≥ .95 benchmark for superior fit).
  • Tucker–Lewis Index (TLI): .98 (exceeding the ≥ .95 benchmark).
  • Normed Fit Index (NFI): .96 (confirming strong relative fit against baseline independence models).
  • Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA): .058 (90% CI [.042, .074]), within the ≤ .06 standard for close model fit.

Convergent and Substantive Validity

Item content was developed directly from discursive content analyses of contemporary media broadcasts, congressional hearings, institutional controversies, and campus speech incidents (e.g., the notable 2017 University of Maryland commencement address referenced in Item 5). By mirroring real-world sociopolitical debates, the scale minimizes artificial test-taking biases and demonstrates high ecological validity.

8. Reliability

The ACRI exhibits high reliability across its score spectrum, evaluated using modern latent trait indices derived from marginalized Bayesian estimation and conditional likelihood formulations:

  • Expected A Posteriori / Plausible Values (EAP/PV) Reliability: Reported as .85. In Item Response Theory, EAP/PV reliability represents the ratio of true latent variance to total observed variance, serving as the modern IRT analogue to Cronbach’s alpha and McDonald’s omega without assuming tau-equivalence or homogeneous error distributions.
  • Person Separation Index based on Weighted Likelihood Estimates (WLE Reliability): Reported as .84. Warm’s (1989) weighted likelihood estimation corrects for the first-order inherent bias of maximum likelihood estimators in finite item batteries. A WLE person reliability of .84 indicates that the instrument reliably differentiates individuals into distinct latent strata across the attitudinal continuum.

Standard error curves derived from the scale information function demonstrate that measurement precision remains high across the central attitudinal range (±2.5 standard deviations from the population mean). This provides balanced sensitivity for both moderately resistant and highly endorsing cohorts.

9. Factor Analysis

The factorial validity of the ACRI was established through a structured sequence involving Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA), confirming the instrument’s essential unidimensionality.

Principal Component Analysis (PCA)

To assess whether a dominant single latent dimension governs student responses across disparate topics (e.g., patent innovation, academic dishonesty, freedom of speech), an initial PCA was conducted on the item covariance matrix. The first unrotated principal component accounted for 39.6% of the total variance, with an eigenvalue far exceeding subsequent factors. Residual components exhibited minor scree stabilization without meaningful thematic coherence, indicating that the 12 items reflect a unified latent dimension: general endorsement of anti-China comparative rhetoric.

Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA)

A single-factor confirmatory factor model was fitted using robust maximum likelihood estimation. The 12 items were specified to load onto a single general factor (ξ1 = Attitudes Toward Anti-China Rhetoric) with uncorrelated uniquenesses (δ1 through δ12).

Fit Metric Observed Sample Value Standard Conventional Benchmark Methodological Interpretation
Chi-Square (χ²) 113 (df = 54) p > .05 (or χ²/df < 3.0) χ²/df = 2.09 indicates good model parsimony
Comparative Fit Index (CFI) .98 ≥ .95 for good fit Confirms excellent relative model fit
Tucker–Lewis Index (TLI) .98 ≥ .95 for good fit Demonstrates robust non-normed fit penalizing complexity
Normed Fit Index (NFI) .96 ≥ .90 or .95 Substantiates fit relative to independence model
RMSEA .058 ≤ .06 for close fit Low approximation error per degree of freedom

These findings substantiate that, despite covering diverse domains such as economic structures, scientific misconduct, and digital censorship, variance across items is driven by a single psychological construct: the degree of alignment with anti-China comparative paradigms.

10. Instrument / Measurement Tool

  • Test Type: Original psychometric attitudinal rating scale based on modern Item Response Theory (IRT).
  • Target Population: Adults aged 18 and older; primarily validated with undergraduate and graduate Chinese international students studying in Western (specifically United States) universities.
  • Format: Structured composite stimuli consisting of 12 thematic vignettes. Each item features an initial narrative context (2–4 sentences) establishing a real-world discourse, followed by an explicit comparative statement.
  • Number of Items: 12 item pairs (vignette + statement).
  • Response Scale: 4-point polytomous Likert-type response continuum:
    • 0 = Disagree completely
    • 1 = Disagree somewhat
    • 2 = Agree somewhat
    • 3 = Agree completely
  • Scoring Procedures:
    • Raw Composite Scoring: Items are scored ordinally from 0 to 3. A total score is derived by summing all responses, yielding an observed score range of 0 to 36. Higher scores reflect greater agreement with anti-China rhetoric.
    • IRT Scaling: For psychometric research, response matrices are modeled using a Partial Credit Model (PCM) or Graded Response Model (GRM), converting ordinal response strings into standardized latent ability/attitude scores (θ) centered at M = 0.0, SD = 1.0.
  • Administration Modality: Available in pencil-and-paper format or via secure computer-assisted digital assessment platforms. Administration time is approximately 10 to 15 minutes.

11. Permissions & Fee and Test Year

  • Year of Development: 2023 (Formally published in 2025).
  • Permissions: Free for non-commercial, academic, scientific, and instructional applications. Researchers and educational practitioners may utilize the instrument provided full bibliographic credit is granted to the original developers.
  • Commercial Exploitation: Prohibited without explicit, written licensing agreements from the copyright holders and the American Psychological Association.
  • Assessment Fee: No charge; publicly accessible for research and educational purposes.

12. References

  • Berry, J. W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology, 46(1), 5–34. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.1997.tb01087.x
  • Institute of International Education. (2022). Open Doors report on international educational exchange. New York, NY: IIE.
  • Reckase, M. D. (1979). Unifactor latent trait models applied to multifactor tests: Results and implications. Journal of Educational Statistics, 4(3), 207–230. https://doi.org/10.2307/1164671
  • Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. New York, NY: Pantheon Books.
  • Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.
  • Warm, T. A. (1989). Weighted likelihood estimation of ability in implicit item response theory. Psychometrika, 54(3), 427–450. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02294627
  • Wilson, M. (2005). Constructing measures: An approach to modeling an embodied dimension. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
  • Yin, P., Ji, F., & Blum, A. M. (2025). Exploring Chinese international students’ attitudes toward anti-China rhetoric: Development and initial validation of an item response theory-based measure. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 18(3), 240–252. https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000513

13. Items of the Scale

Instructions: Please read each of the following twelve background narratives carefully, followed by the concluding statement. Rate your personal agreement with each statement using the 4-point rating scale provided below:

0 = Disagree completely
1 = Disagree somewhat
2 = Agree somewhat
3 = Agree completely

Item 1 (Innovation)

China is still considered weak at innovation. This is largely due to the perception that China is merely a source of “junk” patents and “frivolous claims of ‘inventions’” with limited value. Despite this, China is actively working to advance its next generation of education. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese students attend American colleges and universities, not only to acquire subject matter knowledge but also to foster a culture of innovation.

Statement: In the U.S., Chinese immigration is considered to have a greater impact on culture.

Item 2 (Critical Thinking)

Education in China is largely based on rote memorization, with an emphasis on passive learning. In the U.S., education focuses on active learning, independent analysis, and critical thinking.

Statement: Compared to the U.S. education system, the Chinese education system is fundamentally less capable of producing students with critical thinking.

Item 3 (The Quality of Higher Education)

It is unlikely that China will catch up with the U.S. in higher education. Over the next ten years, the U.S. will continue to be the gold standard for international higher education. This ability to produce cutting-edge research and technologies will continue to be the envy of the world.

Statement: The overall quality of the Chinese education system at the higher education level can never reach the status enjoyed by its U.S. counterpart on the global stage.

Item 4 (Opportunities for Civil Engagement)

There is a significant lack of opportunities in China for individuals and collective actions to address issues of public concern. For example, unlike the #MeToo movement in the U.S., social movement activities aimed at combating sexual assault face significant obstacles in China because of the country’s political backwardness and systems of oppression existing at the institutional level.

Statement: In comparison to the U.S., China lags substantially behind in terms of its commitment to advocating civic engagement.

Item 5 (Freedom of Expression)

In May 2017, a graduating senior from China gave a commencement speech at the University of Maryland. In her speech, the student praised America’s “fresh air of free speech” that allowed her to openly discuss racism, sexism, and politics in ways that she had never dreamed possible. Meanwhile, she also depicted the environment back in China as repressive and regimented, in which only authorities owned the narrative, and only authorities could define the truth.

Statement: When it comes to addressing issues surrounding freedom of expression, the Chinese model of governance is incomparably inferior to its U.S. counterpart.

Item 6 (Global Information Flow Control)

For Chinese citizens with a global outlook, China’s so-called great firewall (the massive online censorship apparatus) is a frustrating experience. It serves as a painful reminder that the Chinese government distrusts anything it can’t control, especially the global flow of information, which is valued and well protected in the U.S. context.

Statement: Contrasted with the U.S., China takes a much less acceptable approach to managing the global flow of information.

Item 7 (Academic Conduct)

In the Chinese education tradition, there is a longstanding tendency to prioritize getting good grades above all other considerations. Shaped by such tendency, what Americans perceive as academic dishonesty is oddly ignored in the Chinese education system.

Statement: Considering how the code of academic conduct is upheld in the U.S. society, the Chinese society exhibits a much lower level of resistance against academic dishonesty.

Item 8 (Scientific Integrity)

While China is trying to turn itself into a country of high-tech industries, this transition process has been severely hindered due to a lack of regulatory infrastructure to guide the conduction of scientific research. China stands out from other technologically advanced countries, e.g., the U.S., due to its science culture as characterized by ji gōng jìn lì (“a motivation to seek quick successes and short-term gains”), which in turn raises serious scientific integrity issues.

Statement: Compared to the U.S. scientific culture, the Chinese scientific culture is much less informed by the principles of scientific integrity (i.e., the professional standards essential for the responsible practice of research).

Item 9 (Unselfish Pursuits)

In Chinese society, self-realization has been increasingly associated with a tendency for maximizing individuals’ own benefits. Conversely, in the U.S. society, reaching one’s full potential has always been motivated more by the passion for making the world a better place, and less by self-interested considerations.

Statement: As opposed to the U.S., China epitomized a self-centered society where much less emphasis is placed on promoting values of unselfishness.

Item 10 (Foreigner-friendly Society)

In comparison to China, America is clearly more foreigner-friendly. In the U.S., people treat a newcomer as a regular human being, which is not common at all in China because most Chinese have an “us” vs. “foreigners” mentality. This mentality is caused by a common lack of cultural confidence and a narrow-minded attitude typical of a society dominated by a single race.

Statement: Compared to foreign nationals in the U.S., foreigners in China are way more likely to become the target of xenophobic sentiments.

Item 11 (Avenues of Social Mobility)

In China, opportunities for upward social mobility are highly restricted to people from privileged backgrounds. In the U.S., however, people from less privileged backgrounds are also granted considerable access to pursuing social and economic prosperity through hard work and determination.

Statement: In terms of upward social mobility for ordinary people, China offers significantly fewer equal opportunities than the U.S.

Item 12 (Economy)

The U.S. economy remains much more sophisticated, innovative, and transparent than China’s economy. There is no doubt that the U.S. is going to stand unchallenged as the world’s economic leader.

Statement: China’s economic development was equipped with far fewer desirable features than its U.S. counterpart.

★

Rate This Scale

5.0 / 5 • 1 vote

Cite This Article

Looti, M. (2026, September 27). Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument. PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. https://english.arabpsychology.com/scales/anti-china-rhetoric-instrument-scale/
Looti, Mohammed. “Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE, 27 September 2026, https://english.arabpsychology.com/scales/anti-china-rhetoric-instrument-scale/.
Looti, Mohammed. “Anti-China Rhetoric Instrument.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. September 27, 2026. https://english.arabpsychology.com/scales/anti-china-rhetoric-instrument-scale/.