AAMR: Defining Intellectual Disability

Explore the comprehensive history, theoretical models, diagnostic contributions, and practical legacy of the American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR), now known as the AAIDD.

Dr. Mohammed Looti An academic and researcher specialized in
PUBLISHED
Scientifically Reviewed · Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim · October 7, 2026
Medically & Scientifically Reviewed Verified: October 7, 2026
Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim PhD in Psychology
Faculty Member • University of Kerbala
Review Criteria & Clinical Standards

This content undergoes rigorous scientific peer-review and medical editorial standards at Arab Psychology Network to ensure clinical accuracy, validity, and compliance with evidence-based guidelines from leading psychological and healthcare authorities (APA / WHO).

The study and clinical support of developmental differences have undergone profound paradigmatic shifts over the past century and a half, moving from custodial segregation to rights-based ecological inclusion. At the center of this transformation stands the American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR), an authoritative interdisciplinary body that has shaped the clinical definitions, diagnostic manuals, diagnostic instruments, and public policies governing intellectual disability in the United States and globally.

American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR)

1. Concise Definition

The American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR)—known since 2007 as the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD)—is the oldest and most influential professional, interdisciplinary organization dedicated to the study, classification, treatment, and advocacy of individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities. Established in 1876, the organization unites researchers, clinicians, educators, legal scholars, and self-advocates to establish authoritative diagnostic terminology, promote empirical clinical standards, and influence public welfare policy.

Historically, the association is best known for publishing consecutive editions of its landmark terminology and classification manuals, widely cited in clinical psychology, special education, and legal proceedings. Rather than viewing cognitive limitations as static biomedical pathologies located solely within an individual, the AAMR pioneered a modern ecological model that conceptualizes intellectual functioning as an interaction between an individual’s personal capabilities, adaptive behavior, and the surrounding social environment. Through its shifting paradigms, the association transitioned clinical practice away from arbitrary psychometric cutoffs toward individualized systems of support that maximize human autonomy and personal well-being.

2. Etymology & Linguistic Origin

The historical nomenclature of the organization mirrors the shifting linguistic and scientific paradigms of American medicine and psychology. Founded in 1876 as the Association of Medical Officers of American Institutions for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Persons, the initial terms derived from classical linguistic roots. The archaic term idiot originated from the Greek idiōtēs (ἰδιώτης), denoting a private person, layman, or one lacking professional skill, which later entered Latin (idiota) and Old French to signify an uneducated individual before becoming a clinical designation for profound cognitive impairment.

As these early descriptors accumulated pejorative social connotations, the organization revised its title multiple times. In 1906, it became the American Association for the Study of the Feeble-Minded, incorporating the Germanic compound feeble (via Anglo-Norman feble, from Latin flebilis, lamentable) and minded. In 1933, seeking a more rigorous psychiatric alignment, the body adopted the name American Association on Mental Deficiency (AAMD), drawing from the Latin deficere (to lack or fail). By 1987, the organization rebranded as the American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR), employing the Latin root retardare (to slow down or delay), intended at the time to describe developmental delay without moral judgment. Finally, in 2007, recognizing that retardation had evolved into a stigmatizing and offensive epithet, the membership voted overwhelmingly to rename the society the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD).

3. Pronunciation & Grammatical Form

In contemporary academic discourse, the historical acronym AAMR is pronounced phonetically as an initialism: /ˌeɪ.eɪ.ɛmˈɑːr/ (AY-ay-em-AR). The expanded historical title, American Association on Mental Retardation, is pronounced /əˈmɛrɪkən əˌsoʊsiˈeɪʃən ɒn ˈmɛntəl ˌriːtɑːrˈdeɪʃən/. Grammatically, the term functions as a proper noun phrase and typically takes a singular verb construction (e.g., “The AAMR published its ninth edition in 1992”).

When referenced in historical, epidemiological, or jurisprudential literature, the term frequently appears as an attributive modifier, as in “the AAMR diagnostic framework,” “AAMR adaptive behavior guidelines,” or “the 1992 AAMR manual.” In scholarly contexts, writers must carefully distinguish between the historical entity (the AAMR) and its contemporary continuation (the AAIDD), using the historical designation when analyzing specific manuals, policy statements, or legal precedents issued prior to the official 2007 rebranding.

4. Detailed Conceptual Explanation

The conceptual contribution of the AAMR extends far beyond simple institutional management; it reconfigured the epistemological basis of developmental disorders. For much of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, intellectual disability was conceptualized through a strict medical defect model. In this framework, cognitive impairment was seen as an immutable biological pathology residing entirely within the individual nervous system. Consequently, the primary scientific and administrative focus was institutional confinement, custodial care, and segregation from mainstream civic life.

Beginning in the late twentieth century, and crystallizing in its landmark 1992 (ninth) and 2002 (tenth) diagnostic manuals, the AAMR introduced a revolutionary ecological and multidimensional framework. Under this formulation, disability is not an inherent trait of an isolated person, but rather the functional mismatch between individual competencies and the environmental demands placed upon them. The AAMR defined mental retardation as a disability characterized by significant limitations both in intellectual functioning and in adaptive behavior, covering practical, conceptual, and social skills, with an onset manifested before the age of 18.

Crucially, the AAMR introduced the groundbreaking principle that with appropriate personalized supports provided over a sustained period, the life functioning of an individual with intellectual disability generally will improve. This assumption represented a decisive break from fatalistic prognoses. The organization structured its conceptual model around five interactive dimensions: intellectual abilities, adaptive behavior, participation/interactions/social roles, health (physical and mental health, etiologic factors), and context (environments and culture). By embedding the individual within these dynamic dimensions, the AAMR shifted the ultimate objective of clinical diagnosis from cataloging deficits to identifying the pattern and intensity of individualized supports required to foster inclusion, independence, and full human flourishing.

5. Historical Development

The history of the AAMR reflects the evolving social conscience and scientific rigor of developmental medicine in North America. In June 1876, a cohort of institutional superintendents, led by Édouard Séguin, Isaac N. Kerlin, and Hervey B. Wilbur, met at the Pennsylvania Training School for Feeble-Minded Children in Elwyn, Pennsylvania. Séguin, a French-born physician and pioneer of physiological education methods, was elected the first president of the Association of Medical Officers of American Institutions for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Persons. The early association focused on sharing practical administrative techniques, institutional hygiene, and early pedagogical trials for children then considered uneducable.

During the early decades of the twentieth century, the organization was deeply influenced by the burgeoning mental testing movement following the introduction of the Binet-Simon intelligence scale and its American revision by Lewis Terman. Under figures such as Henry H. Goddard—who coined the diagnostic label moron at an AAMD meeting in 1910—the association grappled with the problematic rise of the eugenics movement, which falsely framed cognitive impairment as a primary driver of crime, poverty, and societal degeneration. Over time, internal scientific dissent and empirical advances led the association to reject eugenic fallacies, shifting toward empirical psychometrics, neurology, and special education.

A critical turning point occurred in 1959 when Rick Heber authored the AAMD’s fifth classification manual, introducing a dual-criterion definition requiring impairments in both intellectual functioning and adaptive behavior. This conceptual breakthrough curbed the over-reliance on pure intelligence quotient (IQ) scores, which had disproportionately mislabeled racial and linguistic minorities. Subsequent revisions in 1973 (Herbert Grossman), 1983, 1992 (Robert Luckasson), and 2002 progressively raised the threshold for diagnosis, eliminated rigid IQ subcategories (e.g., mild, moderate, severe, profound), and replaced them with intensities of needed supports (intermittent, limited, extensive, pervasive). This historic trajectory culminated in the 2007 renaming to the AAIDD, reflecting an international human-rights-based consensus.

6. Theoretical Foundations

The theoretical architecture developed by the AAMR rests upon the convergence of three major intellectual traditions: psychometric theory, social-ecological systems theory, and the human rights framework of normalization. From psychometrics, the association adopted rigorous statistical standards for defining cognitive sub-average performance, relying on standardized measures of general intelligence (such as the Wechsler scales and Stanford-Binet) and operationalizing significant limitation as performance falling at least two standard deviations below the population mean, accounting for measurement error.

Second, the AAMR integrated ecological systems theory, heavily influenced by Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological models of human development. This framework asserts that human competence cannot be measured in a vacuum; rather, it is expressed through everyday interactions across microsystems (family, classroom), mesosystems (community organizations), and macrosystems (societal cultural norms and legal policies). As a result, the construct of adaptive behavior—defined as the collection of conceptual, social, and practical skills learned by individuals to function in daily life—became an indispensable, co-equal pillar of diagnosis alongside general intelligence.

Third, the theoretical foundation was fundamentally reshaped by the principle of normalization, pioneered by European scholars like Bengt Nirje and Wolf Wolfensberger in the late 1960s and 1970s. Normalization argued that individuals with cognitive disabilities have an inherent right to patterns of life and conditions of everyday living that are as close as possible to the regular circumstances of society. The AAMR incorporated this philosophy into its 1992 and 2002 manuals, abandoning deficit-centered paradigms in favor of a “supports paradigm,” wherein personal competence is actively enhanced through customized environmental modifications, assistive technologies, and personal assistance networks.

7. Key Components, Types & Dimensions

The AAMR’s mature diagnostic and ecological model is delineated through specific core components, operationalized criteria, and assessment dimensions:

  • Tripartite Diagnostic Criteria: Formal diagnosis requires satisfying three interdependent parameters: significant limitations in intellectual functioning (IQ score approximately two standard deviations below the mean, typically ≤ 70-75); significant limitations in adaptive behavior across conceptual, social, or practical domains; and origin prior to age 18.
  • Adaptive Skill Domains: Adaptive functioning is organized into three broad clusters: Conceptual skills (language, literacy, money concepts, time, numbers, and self-direction); Social skills (interpersonal competence, self-esteem, gullibility, naivety, following rules, avoiding victimization); and Practical skills (activities of daily living, occupational abilities, healthcare maintenance, travel, and personal safety).
  • System of Supports: Rather than categorizing individuals solely by arbitrary IQ tiers (mild, moderate, severe, profound), the AAMR classified needs by four levels of support intensity: Intermittent (as-needed basis during life transitions); Limited (consistent support over a bounded time period); Extensive (regular, long-term involvement across specific environments); and Pervasive (constant, high-intensity, life-sustaining support across all environments).
  • Five Multidimensional Evaluation Axes: Clinical evaluation systematically assesses: Dimension I (Intellectual Abilities); Dimension II (Adaptive Behavior); Dimension III (Participation, Interactions, and Social Roles); Dimension IV (Health: physical, mental, and etiology); and Dimension V (Context: environments, culture, and personal factors).

8. Examples & Illustrative Cases

To understand how the AAMR model functions in clinical reality, consider the case of “Marcus,” an 8-year-old child referred for comprehensive evaluation due to persistent academic delays in early elementary school. On standardized cognitive assessment, Marcus obtains a Full-Scale IQ of 68. Under an outdated, purely psychometric model, he might have been labeled “mentally retarded” and placed directly into an isolated special day class without further investigation. However, under the AAMR multidimensional framework, the evaluation team administers the Adaptive Behavior Assessment System, gathering input from Marcus’s bilingual parents and teachers.

The evaluation reveals that while Marcus demonstrates significant deficits in conceptual skills (reading comprehension and mathematical concepts), his practical living skills (self-care, domestic routines) and social communication within his neighborhood community are age-appropriate. Furthermore, cultural and linguistic factors are accounted for; English is his second language. Applying AAMR principles, Marcus does not meet the criteria for intellectual disability because his adaptive behavior limitations are not pervasive across domains and are significantly mediated by language acquisition. Instead, he is provided targeted literacy intervention and bilingual educational support, preventing inappropriate diagnostic labeling.

In another illustrative case, “Elena,” a 22-year-old woman with Down syndrome and an IQ of 52, transitions into adulthood. Under older paradigms, Elena would have been assigned a static label of “moderately retarded” and relegated to sheltered workshop tasks. Applying the AAMR supports model, clinicians construct an Individualized Support Plan evaluating her across all five dimensions. By arranging intermittent supports for complex financial management, limited job-coaching for navigating public transportation, and workplace visual accommodations, Elena successfully secures competitive employment at an urban library and shares a supported apartment with a peer, demonstrating how the AAMR paradigm shifts focus from limitation to self-actualization.

9. Measurement & Assessment

The assessment protocols developed and endorsed by the AAMR are characterized by stringent psychometric criteria designed to minimize cultural bias and diagnostic error. Intellectual evaluation relies on individualized, comprehensively normed, and culturally validated psychometric instruments, such as the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS), the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC), and the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales. The AAMR explicitly mandates that clinicians account for the Standard Error of Measurement (SEM)—typically around 3 to 5 points—as well as the Flynn Effect (the observed secular rise in population IQ scores over time), meaning an IQ cut-off of 70 is interpreted as an interval (e.g., 65–75) rather than a rigid, definitive boundary.

For measuring adaptive behavior, the AAMR stimulated the development of standardized, norm-referenced assessment scales normed on both general and clinical populations. Prominent examples include the Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales (VABS), the Adaptive Behavior Assessment System (ABAS), and the association’s proprietary diagnostic tools: the AAMR Adaptive Behavior Scales (ABS) and the Diagnostic Adaptive Behavior Scale (DABS). These instruments gather multi-informant data from parents, teachers, caregivers, or employers, requiring documented performance falling at least two standard deviations below the population mean in either a composite score or in at least one of the three established adaptive domains (conceptual, social, practical).

Furthermore, to operationalize its revolutionary supports framework, the organization developed the Supports Intensity Scale (SIS). Unlike conventional psychometric tools that quantify pathology and functional deficits, the SIS systematically measures the pattern, frequency, daily time, and type of support an individual requires across eight domains: home living, community living, lifelong learning, employment, health and safety, social activities, protection/advocacy, and medical/behavioral needs. This shifts assessment directly into actionable intervention planning.

10. Applications & Practical Significance

The frameworks formulated by the AAMR exert enormous influence across multiple domains of public policy, social administration, jurisprudence, and clinical service delivery. In special education, the AAMR’s definitions shaped the statutory terminology and diagnostic classifications embedded in the federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) in the United States. This statutory alignment guarantees that students with developmental disabilities receive individualized education programs (IEPs) centered on least restrictive environments and customized pedagogical supports rather than segregated institutional isolation.

In the legal and constitutional arena, the AAMR’s scientific standards played a monumental role in American jurisprudence. In the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision Atkins v. Virginia (2002), the Court ruled that executing individuals with mental retardation constitutes cruel and unusual punishment prohibited by the Eighth Amendment. In writing the majority opinion, Justice John Paul Stevens explicitly relied upon the clinical definitions established by the AAMR and the American Psychiatric Association (APA) to define the medical threshold for constitutional immunity from capital punishment. Subsequent high-court rulings, such as Hall v. Florida (2014) and Moore v. Texas (2017), repeatedly cited AAMR/AAIDD standards, striking down state statutes that enforced rigid IQ score cutoffs or ignored modern clinical criteria regarding adaptive functioning and the standard error of measurement.

In organizational management and human services, the AAMR supports paradigm catalyzed the deinstitutionalization movement. Service providers worldwide abandoned paternalistic institutional models to create supported employment, independent supported living, and person-centered planning frameworks. Rather than spending budgets on centralized asylum infrastructure, social funding was progressively redirected toward direct-support professionals, community integration specialists, and assistive technology, enabling individuals with complex cognitive differences to lead fulfilling lives within their chosen communities.

11. Research & Empirical Evidence

Decades of empirical research spearheaded by researchers within the AAMR established modern evidence-based practices in disability studies. Pioneering studies conducted in the 1960s and 1970s, such as those by Jack Tizard in the United Kingdom and David Braddock in the United States, rigorously documented the catastrophic psychological and physical outcomes of long-term institutionalization compared to community-based placements, proving that cognitive and adaptive growth accelerated dramatically when individuals lived in normative community environments.

Subsequent psychometric research led by scholars such as Robert Schalock, James Thompson, and Marc Tassé validated the construct validity and reliability of the three-domain model of adaptive behavior. Factor-analytic studies demonstrated across diverse cross-cultural samples that adaptive behavior is statistically distinct from general cognitive ability (IQ), and that conceptual, social, and practical competencies represent robust, empirically identifiable constructs. Empirical investigations confirmed that measuring adaptive limitations provides a substantially more accurate prediction of independent living success and vocational tenure than IQ scores alone.

Moreover, large-scale longitudinal research published in the association’s premier peer-reviewed journals—the American Journal on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AJIDD, formerly AJMR) and Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (IDD)—consistently demonstrated that providing personalized supports directly elevates quality of life (QoL). Research led by Robert Schalock established standardized Quality of Life indicators, proving that when individuals with developmental delays are granted self-determination, choice in living arrangements, and reliable personal supports, their subjective well-being, health outcomes, and social inclusion register statistically significant, enduring gains.

12. Cultural & Cross-Cultural Considerations

The conceptualization and diagnosis of intellectual functioning are inherently embedded within cultural values, linguistic practices, and socio-economic expectations. Historically, standardized psychometric tests normed on white, middle-class populations created stark diagnostic disparities, resulting in the massive overrepresentation of African American, Hispanic, and Indigenous children in segregated special education programs. The AAMR was central in addressing these injustices, actively introducing clinical guidelines that require diagnostic teams to assess individuals exclusively against their specific sociocultural and linguistic reference groups.

Different cultures place varying degrees of importance on specific competencies. In many Western cultures, adaptive independence is prioritized, focusing heavily on individual self-reliance, personal autonomy, and academic literacy. Conversely, in many collectivistic societies across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, adaptive competence is framed around social cohesion, intergenerational respect, mutual interdependence, and cooperative family contributions. An individual who struggles with abstract symbolic calculations might be fully integrated and highly competent in cooperative rural agricultural tasks or family caregiving, thereby demonstrating no adaptive deficit within their authentic cultural environment.

Internationally, the AAMR collaborated closely with the World Health Organization (WHO) to align its diagnostic manuals with the International Classification of Diseases (ICD) and the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF). The ICF similarly conceptualizes disability as an interactive health condition mediated by environmental factors and personal contexts, validating the AAMR’s ecological paradigm on a global scale. Cross-cultural adaptations of instruments like the Supports Intensity Scale into dozens of languages across Europe, Asia, and the Americas have confirmed that while specific practical tasks vary by geography, the core human need for dignified, individualized support remains universal.

13. Criticisms, Debates & Limitations

Despite its historic influence, the AAMR has faced rigorous academic debate, internal controversy, and external resistance. One major controversy erupted following the publication of the 1992 (ninth edition) manual, in which the association proposed abandoning traditional psychometric subcategories (mild, moderate, severe, profound mental retardation) entirely, replacing them exclusively with the four support intensity categories (intermittent, limited, extensive, pervasive). Critics from the American Psychological Association (specifically Division 33) and the psychiatric establishment argued that this shift was premature, unvalidated psychometrically, and clinically unworkable, warning that discarding IQ subdivisions would create administrative chaos in allocating state funding and determining legal eligibility.

Another longstanding debate involves the diagnostic cut-off score for adaptive behavior. Unlike standardized IQ tests, which feature an extensive century-long tradition of normative psychometric refinement, adaptive behavior scales rely heavily on subjective informant reports from parents, guardians, or teachers. Researchers have noted that informant ratings can vary wildly depending on personal bias, emotional stress, parental expectations, and familiarity with the individual. This inherent measurement variance has provoked fierce legal battles in capital murder cases where a defendant’s life hinges on whether an adaptive behavior score crosses the diagnostic threshold.

Finally, linguistic controversies accompanied the organization for decades. Although the term mental retardation was initially adopted in the mid-twentieth century as an objective, neutral medical descriptor to replace deeply derogatory labels such as feeble-minded, idiot, imbecile, and moron, the word inevitably suffered the same linguistic pejoration (often termed the “euphemism treadmill”). By the late 1990s, self-advocacy groups (such as Self Advocates Becoming Empowered) and family organizations strongly condemned the association’s title as an engine of stigma. The decade-long delay between the emergence of these community demands and the official 2007 name change to the AAIDD drew criticism from disability rights activists, who argued that professional paternalism had delayed human dignity.

14. Related Terms & Distinctions

Understanding the diagnostic and professional legacy of the AAMR requires careful differentiation between overlapping concepts, diagnostic systems, and administrative labels:

  • AAMR vs. AAIDD: The American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR) and the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD) are the exact same legal and professional entity. The name was officially changed in 2007 to eliminate the stigmatizing term “retardation” and embrace the internationally accepted terminology of “intellectual and developmental disability.”
  • Mental Retardation vs. Intellectual Disability: Historically synonymous, mental retardation is the obsolete clinical and administrative designation used throughout the twentieth century. Intellectual disability is the modern, scientifically accurate, and rights-respecting term reflecting the same tripartite diagnostic criteria (sub-average intellectual functioning, concurrent adaptive behavior deficits, developmental onset before age 18 or 22 in updated criteria).
  • Intellectual Disability vs. Developmental Disability: Intellectual disability refers specifically to significant cognitive and adaptive deficits. Developmental disability is a broader umbrella category (defined under the federal Developmental Disabilities Act) that includes severe, chronic physical, cognitive, or sensory impairments manifesting before age 22—such as cerebral palsy, autism spectrum disorder, or spina bifida—which may or may not be accompanied by intellectual impairment.
  • Intellectual Disability vs. Specific Learning Disorder: A specific learning disorder (e.g., dyslexia, dyscalculia) refers to localized processing difficulties in specific academic areas in an individual who exhibits overall average or above-average intellectual functioning and normal general adaptive behavior. In contrast, intellectual disability involves generalized, pervasive cognitive limitations across all domains of reasoning and everyday life.
  • AAMR/AAIDD vs. DSM / ICD: The AAMR/AAIDD manual is a specialized, detailed diagnostic and support system focused entirely on intellectual disabilities. The American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) and the World Health Organization’s ICD are comprehensive diagnostic compendia for all mental, behavioral, and neurodevelopmental disorders; both modern editions (DSM-5-TR, ICD-11) have formally adopted the ecological, adaptive-behavior-driven frameworks pioneered by the AAMR.

15. Summary / Key Takeaways

The American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR), now the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD), stands as the central intellectual architect of modern disability theory and practice. From its founding in 1876 by Édouard Séguin and fellow institutional leaders, the organization guided the field through monumental paradigm shifts: dismantling custodial segregation, combating the pseudoscientific harms of the eugenics movement, establishing rigorous psychometric standards, and championing the civil rights of neurodivergent individuals.

The lasting scientific legacy of the AAMR is its groundbreaking ecological model of disability. By establishing adaptive behavior as an equal diagnostic partner to psychometric intelligence and reframing impairment not as an intrinsic human flaw, but as a dynamic mismatch between individual capability and environmental demands, the association transformed clinical psychology and education. Through its supports paradigm, institutional deinstitutionalization, and landmark contributions to civil rights and capital jurisprudence, the AAMR permanently shifted the global societal mission: ensuring that every individual, regardless of cognitive difference, is afforded the personalized supports necessary to achieve independence, dignity, and full community membership.

References

  • American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities. (2010). Intellectual disability: Definition, classification, and systems of supports (11th ed.). AAIDD.
  • American Association on Mental Retardation. (1992). Mental retardation: Definition, classification, and systems of supports (9th ed.). AAMR.
  • American Association on Mental Retardation. (2002). Mental retardation: Definition, classification, and systems of supports (10th ed.). AAMR.
  • Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002). https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/536/304/
  • Luckasson, R., & Reeve, A. (2001). Naming, defining, and classifying in mental retardation. Mental Retardation, 39(1), 47–52. https://doi.org/10.1352/1934-9556(2007)45[116:TROMRT]2.0.CO;2
  • Trent, J. W. (1994). Inventing the feeble mind: A history of mental retardation in the United States. University of California Press.
  • Wolfensberger, W. (1972). The principle of normalization in human services. National Institute on Mental Retardation.

Cite This Article

Looti, M. (2026, October 7). AAMR: Defining Intellectual Disability. PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. https://english.arabpsychology.com/dictionary/american-association-on-mental-retardation-aamr/
Looti, Mohammed. “AAMR: Defining Intellectual Disability.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE, 7 October 2026, https://english.arabpsychology.com/dictionary/american-association-on-mental-retardation-aamr/.
Looti, Mohammed. “AAMR: Defining Intellectual Disability.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. October 7, 2026. https://english.arabpsychology.com/dictionary/american-association-on-mental-retardation-aamr/.